Robert Cecil, 1st Earl Salisbury 'A Collection Offered to King James on Calling a Parliament (1608?)'

191r

A letter Fro[m] Sir Robt Cecill to [th]e Com[m]issionors at Bulloi[n]ge dated the xxvth of Iulye Anno 1600:

After my hartye com[m]endations, By a Ioynte L[ett]re, From my Lord Treasuror, My Lord Admirall, and my selfe, sent vnto you this Morninge, you haue bine directed amonge other overtures , to be made, as of your selves to the other Comissioners: For the Contynuinge of the Creatures Treatye, to make an offer to them, that if they will come and treate, in anye Coast Towne in England, that her ma[jes]ty wilbe contented, there to give them p[re]cedencye, Since w[hi]ch tyme her ma[jes]tye vppo[n] A Second Considerac[i]on finding it not convenient to offer anye such matter, hath Comaunded mee to signifye to you, that shee will haue you forbeare to make anye such p[ro]posic[i]on att this tyme, But to p[ro]ceed in the rest, According to your directions, in your Ioynt L[ett]re, whereof I praye you take notise by these p[re]sents And soe I leave you to God his Protection Fro[m] the Courte in hast this xxvth of Julye 1600 /

your very loving Friend Robte Cecill

191v

A Collectio[n] of such thinges as Rob[er]t, late Earle of Salisburye thought fitt to offer vnto King James his Maiestye vpon the Occasion of calling a parlyament

Seeing yo[u]r Maiesties owne necessities and the Age of the Prince doth move you to call A Parlyament I haue thought it fitt to offer such thinges as the tyme and that occasion doth require, whereof some are such as the dutye of my place perticularlye imposeth vppon mee The next are such Collections, as maye giue occasion to some others to p[re]pare themselves ag[ain]st the Tyme when those things come in question / which doe so neerly Concerne you and yo[u]rs, This being the som[m]e of all my Labours/

Left margin: (1)First to shew yo[u]r Ma[jes]tye yo[u]r Present Estate

Left margin: (2:)Secondly what meanes maye be most likelye to persuade yo[u]r people to Supplye you

Left margin: (3)Lastlye what Course maye be taken afterwards to p[re]serve you from A newe relapse /

For the First there is A table made wherein yo[u]r maiestie Shall perticulerlye see what all yo[u]r certaine receipts doe amount vnto in their severall natures What are yo[u]r certaine Issues that cannot be avoided / What yo[u]r Extraordinaries haue beene this yeere and are like to bee / Howe much yo[u]r debts Amount vnto / What yo[u]r Revenue was at the Tyme of the Lord Treasurers deathe and what you ought / What hath bine imp[ro]ved Since you came to the Crowne / What Landes you haue sold / What is the yeerelye Charge of the Princes expences w[i]th A blanke pap[er] for an Encrease according to yo[u]r Ma[jes]t[ie]s pleasure / What hath beene assigned to Former Princes respecting Titles, Powers & Territories / What is assured already to the Duke of Yorke w[i]th a Blanke for an encrease /

Left margin: Some Remembra[n]ces For [th]e parlyam[en]t A Collection of all that hath beene given yo[u]r Ma[jes]tye from your people Since you came to the Crowne

What haue beene the Iustest and greatest Causes of your Expenses

What helpes they haue afforded other Princes

What reasons they haue to helpe yo[u]r ma[jes]tye at this tyme w[i]th a Collection of some obiections & Answeres to them Provisionally

A President of two Graunts of Subsidies in Parlyam[en]t

A Collection of the Landes sould in the Tyme of Q: Elizabeth

A Note of Landes sould in kinge Edwardes Tyme

A Collection of K: H: 8th ordinarye Receipts and expenses w[i]th A noate of the Treasure left him & [th]e debt hee dyed in

A collection of such Favors as maye be yeilded to by the Prince in Casse they shew the[m]selves co[n]formable at this Tyme /

What Obiections are likelye to be made /

What Answeres to be given them

Lastlye because yo[u]r ma[jes]tye cannot well haue further help fro[m] your192r your Parlyament except some iust cause of Warre should hape[n] I haue bethought mee allsoe what course maye be most likelye to p[re]serve your Ma[jes]tye from anye suddaine necessitye, & there in haue had respect aswell to the honor of yo[u]r Estate, to matters of bountye and reward, and to the Furtherance of all other thinges w[hi]ch maye give ornament to the kingdome, or an encrease to the industrie of yo[u]r people, All w[hi]ch maye be comprehended vnder the title of generall Pollicye to much neglected in this State, where wee haue A kinge and Councell soe well co[m]posed for such works /

Right margin: A Coppy of yo[ur] lo[rdshi]pps First Speech deliu[ere]d to [th]e lower house of parlyament / I am enioyned two Things by the Lordes / The First to giue you notice of the Contentm[en]t they haue receaved in this meeting as well because it is soe good A Preparatiue to the worke w[hi]ch could not be well ended w[th] out such A begin[n]ing as because you haue yeilded to it w[i]th such Alacritie and expedition

The Second is to make vnto you A Declarac[i]on of [tha]t w[hi]ch before I had spoken in the higher house confined to A Relac[i]on not best to {E}lection, either in substance or Circu[m]stance I must needes suspecte that it will be tedious to their Lord ships to hear anye thinge twice, and yett I well hope to haue from you A hearing w[i]th Favor and patience in respecte of the matter w[hi]ch speaketh soe well for it selfe, and not inregard of my p[er]swatio[n]s that knowe the Force of my Argum[en]ts , must more consist in Animo audientis quam in lingua dicentis

Right margin: Politique utilitye The generall obiect of this Consultac[i]on is publique vtilitye In the handlinge of the Conference. The Lordes make noe distinction of powers, but acknowledge vnion and equallitye of Interrests knowing well that the kinge (being [th]e publique head can receave noe other good from the bodye of this Parlyam[en]t (seured in it selfe) then the naturall can receave Comforte when there is interuption of the Passages betweene the braine and [th]e heart, whereof the best Issue can be noe other but the effect of a dead Palsye w[hi]ch taketh awaye motion First and liffe after /

For my declarac[i]ons it consists of two Parts

Right margin: Causes of calling the Parlyament The First to make knowne the Causes of Callinge this Parlyament

The Second to p[ro]pound some Motions

In the First you shall haue truth but at great lengthe

For the Second, they shall be such both in nature and vse, as when you haue heard and well waighed, then I doubt not but you will receave them Paucis mambus

Right margin: Instituc[i]on of this Monarchie From the First Instituc[i]on of the Monarchie w[hi]ch consists (as all others doe) of people governem[en]t and Revenue All wise Prince whensoever there was cause to w[i]thstand p[re]sent Euells or future p[er]ills ( soe much the more p[er]illous because invisible) haue allwayes addressed themselves to their Parlyaments for Councell & defence according to the severall sortes, For States to worke vpo[n]

Some Parlyaments haue bene called for making of lawes, the Soule of the Com[m]on weale As in the Tyme of Ed: the First

Others for entayling possessions to the Crowne as in the 5: of Hen: 4: And in the Tyme of Hen: 8: There was A Parlyam[en]t for the establishing of A Succession, And therein not onlye the Members of both houses sworne, and their names subscribed to A Parchm[en]t Roll declating soe much, but Com[m]issions sent throughout192v Left margin: The sessions of Parlyament called for two Causes / Supply - throughout to sweare everye man and woman by the Poll

Having thus breiffelye poynted at some few Causes of calling Former Parlyaments, I will now discend to the p[er]ticuler causes of Assembling this present Parlyament / They are onlye Two /

One to p[ro]cure supplye for his Ma[jes]te State, w[i]th some ease to be given to the Subiecte Pulcher Thesaurus bene locata gratia

The other to make you wittnesses (as some other kinges haue done yo[u]r Predecessors of those great honors and Favors which his ma[jes]tye intendeth to performe to his Royall Sonne in Creating him Prince of Wales , and Earle of Chester, of which parte though it be the Second member of my devision , yett because it is A Sub[jec]te that hath raysed much discourse (some asking whether it might be done w[i]thout A Parlyam[en]t, others whye it is lefte to Parlyament, If there were noe such necesitie, I willbe bould to shew you some of my observations, though not much worth hearing, yet not alltogether imp[er]tinent, to be by you reported to men of inferior Iudgment because they doe rather looke vpo[n] the Sup[er]ficies then the Inner causes

Left margin: England neuer had more then eleven Princes of Wales In all my observac[i]ons as well of that whereof Story maketh menc[i]ons As of that w[hi]ch appeareth in Authentique Records and Au[n]tient Charters, I finde that this kingdome had never more then Eleaven Princes of Wales /

The First was the Sonne of H: 3: whoe was after called Ed: 1: Created at London, of whose Creation it is writte[n][tha]t Pater ouis (meaning H: 3) mortaliter p[ro]ganisus est This was [th]e kinge that setled the Lawes and governem[en]t in first & best repose /

Left margin: Ed: 2:) Next was his Sonne (after called Edward 2: created at London

Left margin: Ed: 3:) Then his Sonne (after called Ed: 3: created at Yorke /

For these three I haue the warrant of divers Historiograph[er]s (the Particular Charters being not extant, And the Story saithe that they were created in A greate Councell or Parlyam[en]t

Left margin: of Princes whose Charters are extant Ed:[th]e Black Prince The First was Edward the Blacke Prince Sonne of Ed: 3: Created at London and by Parlyam[en]t w[i]the theise wordes (ex consensu Pralatorum et comunitatis

Left margin: ( Rich: 2: His Sonne who was after called Richard the Second created at Havering w[i]thout Parlyament

Left margin: (Hen: 5:)After him Hen: 5: the eldest Sonne of Hen: 4: Created at London by Parlyament

Left margin: (Ed: 4:) After him Edward the Sonne of Hen: 6: created at Reading by Parlyament

The next was the Sonne of Ed: 4: whoe was afterwardes called Ed: 5: Created at London w[i]thout Parlyament

Left margin: Ed: sonne of Rich3:) Next was Ed: the Sonne of Rich: 3: Created at London w[i]thout Parlyament

Left margin: The Two Sonnes of Hen: 7: ) Lastlye the Two Sonnes of H: 7: Arthur and Hen: were created at London by Parlyament

Kinge Ed : 6: had noe Creation nor the Lady Marye more then Titularye sent into Wales w[i]th divers of his Ma[jes]ts cou[n]cell and other officers to direct hir governem[en]t

Out of all this (w[hi]ch is but Vulgar) there be two thinges I desire you to noate /

Left margin: Parlyam[en]t hath no esse[n]ciall power in the creatio[n] of Princes The one that the Parlyament hath noe Essentiall power in [th]e Creation of Princes as maye appeare by the au[n]sweare of Edward193r Edward: 3: when the Com[m]ons made suite to haue his grandchilde Rich: 2: created in Parlyament, It was au[n]swered That both [th]e time place, and power of Creation was onlye in Suic Regis & therefore it might be done at some greate Feast, and soe it was

The second thinge I desire you to note (though for anye substantiall parte it bee little better then the old wives tale) it is onlye this that howsoever some others haue had their Crosses, yett everye one of those that haue bene made out of Parlyam[en]t haue beene Princes of infortunitie, Richard the Second deposed Ed: 5: murthered, And the Sonne of Richard the third dyed with in three Monthes after /

But what doe I speake of Tyme, place, and such like circu[m]sta[n]ce w[hi]ch are but the Shells and Shadowes of this Accou[nt], Let vs leave this and behold the Prince himselfe w[i]th Comfort and admiration A Prince in whom there are more strang Images of externall formositie, vigour, and Activitie, And for the internall faculties of the Mynde greater Capacitie, promptnes to Learning & Iudgm[en]t in pointe of elect[i]on then ever appeared in Prince of England / It is true I mought haue forborne this Comendac[i]on amongst you whose Eyes I need not open to behold his virtues, yett such is my Ioye when I see him. and soe doe my affecc[i]ons kindle when I must speake of him as though I had never had Promptum ad adulaconem Ingeniu[m] yett when I am speaking I cannot but chuse but speake what I thinke

Right margin: Earldome of Chester For the Earldome of Chester, though it be lesse then [th]e former in pointe of dignitie, yett considering howe the state there of was by wisedome of Parlyament in the Tyme of H: 8: changed and reduced for the good of the kingdome Quoad votestatem and to goe on w[i]th the rest of my Fragm[en]ts of the Antiquaryes I cannot omitt to saye something of the State thereof, w[hi]ch hath in it at this daye all Regallities and powers incident to a Cou[n]tie Pallatine that are not directlye take[n] away by [th]e Stat[ute] 27: H:8:

Right margin: Hughe Lupus first Earle of Chester The first Earle of Chester (before it came to A Sonne of the Crowne was Hugo Lupus to whom the Conqueror gave the Earledome in these wordes Tenendu[m] ita libere ad gladiu[m] sicut {..se} Rex tenet Angliam et Coronam, Soe it continued till it came to Joh[ann]es Scotus After whom it fell to the heyres Right margin: By Conquest E: of Flint Bishopricke of St Asaphe in [th]e Princes Presentac[i]on Males, And then by Hen: 3: it was vpo[n] Composit[i]on resumed to the Crowne {..e}tanta haereditas deuideretur inter colas. Among other things, I finde that as he is Earle of Flint (w[hi]ch hee was by Conquest [th]e Bish[o]p: of St Assaph is in his Presentat[i]on

I haue now dwelt to long vpon the observat[i]ons of these things that are as well knowne to you as to my Selfe, For w[hi]ch I must crave pardon, and patience to add thus much further (thoughe it be but Right margin: Duke of cornewall & Dolphin of Fraunce not much differinge in their Age Triviall, that the honor of the Duke of Cornewall, and that of the dolphine of Fraunce, are not much differing in theire Age the one being established vpon the First Sonne of the kinge by Parlym[en]t in the Tyme of Ed: 3: The other by the three States vpon the Eldest Sonne of Fraunce in the Tyme of Charles the 5: w[hi]ch tuo kinges are, Raigning at the same Tyme

And nowe to come to the First part w[hi]ch is for supplie I must needs laye before you the discription of his Ma[jes]ts Estate And thereof make the wants soe greate as I might entertayne some suspic[i]on, that the Truth of my Relation might be doubted If193v If I did not knowe that all mens wordes are weighed heere in the ballance of honor and Iustice or could haue accused my selfe to haue deserved soe little Creditt heere (where on [th]e Contrary both the Father and the Sonne, haue had soe good experience of extraordinarye p[ri]vate duetie in this place where I sett, not by anye p[er]sonall or Temporarye honnor or Office But as A Peere that by his ma[jes]t[ie]s Favor haue such A fixed porc[i]on in the greatnes of this Estate. As onlye breach of Loyaltie ca[n] take it fro[m] me or my posteritie

Bee pleased therefore seeing in Courts of Justice much trust is given to A single Affidavit (though sometimes of an obscure p[er]sonn, to beleeve w[ha]t I shall tell you For I protest before God I will not willinglie speake an vntruth

Left margin: How to Judge of Princes States / Whosoever will rightlie Iudge of Princes State, must examy[n] whether his ordinarie receipt be sufficient to beare his ordinary yssues, leaving allwayes A porc[i]on to answere extraordinaryes, w[hi]ch are soe certaine in proofe as all men must p[ro]vide, For thoughe they knowe them not before hand especiallie in the Condic[i]on of A greate Prince, Seing there is noe private man that makes a good reckoning but shall conclude that the Extraordinary will amount to the 4th parte of his Ordinarye Nor anye prince can be safe and happie, that is not able to offend his Enemie vpo[n] iust cause to defend himselfe vpo[n] suddaine Iniurye or assist his Freind in Cases of oppression and violence

Of w[hi]ch severall Considerac[i]ons though the last may seeme [th]e least yet hath the Experience of her late Ma[jes]tyes happie and politique gou[er]nm[en]t made both by the vse and the honor of [tha]t cou[n]cell appeare by her proceedings towards the French king and the States in the Tyme of their soe Eminent perill & Confusion. As there is noe man of Como[n] Sence and vnderstanding that will not acknowledge [tha]t that kingdome and those provinces must needs haue p[ro]ved dau[n]gerous neighbours to this Crowne For if it be co[n]sidered that Forraigne Amities depends vpo[n] Treaties and that all Treaties are Subiect to contingent causes, That State can never be accounted safe nor provident w[hi]ch is to seeke for meanes Left margin: Queene Elizabeth in the 2: of her raign had in deposite aboue 2: Millions of Crowns when there is occasion / A matter soe farr fro[m] neglect in her ma[jesties] tyme as before shee had any Warre w[i]th Spayne or had sent anye forces into the low Cou[n]tryes, hir people had soe Enabled her w[i]th frequent Subsidies as shee had at one Instant in the 27th of her raigne aboue Two Millions of Crownes in deposite /

If it be obiected that some other warres w[hi]ch shee had at seu[er]all Tymes, were cause of those Subsidyes, Soe that I Maye answere, that they were of small consequence till [th]e rebellio[n] in Dismond

Left margin: subsidies & fifteenes giuen to the late Q from 1[st] till An[n]o 27: came to allmost fiue Millions of Crownes For the First was onelye a Change of some fewe forces sent to Hithe, The Second to Newhaven, towards all w[hi]ch her people gave hir soe much in Subsidyes and Fifteenes as it will appeare, That if love and providence had not beene [th]e motives of those Subsidyes they would never haue come soe freelye nor soe frequentlye, For accou[n]ting fro[m]Primo till An[n]o. 27: it came to allmost 5: Millyons of Crownes

Of all w[hi]ch and manye other thinges because I meane not to deliver you matters at Randome I haue heere the accompts in my bagg / I would the monye were in the Chamber, Fro[m] Example men maye well Collect, that the Provisions for Princes safetie are Children of Peace and not of Warre /

But nowe to speake regularlye of his Ma[jes]t[ie]s State wherein I194r I would be loath to deliver you that for Truthe to daye w[hi]ch should be falce tomorrowe In w[hi]ch kinde I would not willingly take my Farewell that knowe not whether ever I shall speake againe on this place vpo[n] such A Subiect, I must deliver plainely vnto you by the duetie I owe vnto [th]e K: by who[m] I am warranted

Right margin: His Ma[jes]t[ie]s expenses vpon his certaine ordinaries exceed every yeere [th]e vtter most of his Receipts That his Ma[jes]t[ie]s expenses vpon his certaine ordinaryes, ex ceed everye yeere, the vttermost of his Receipts (omnibus viis et modis) not accounpting such Extraordinaries as are incident and ordinarye to all Princes, neither doe I speake of those cha[n]g[e]s w[hi]ch breake out in tyme of Warre because that Torrent when itt comes doth ruine w[i]th such A streame as noe man can make an estimate that will stopp it nor better prevent anye such Contingent p[er]ill or disaster, Then by enabling the Estate before hand w[i]th the readye and sufficient meanes to resist the same

Right margin: The kings Debt To this I must allsoe add that Further weight w[hi]ch makes the Ballance much more heavye, and that is the great debts of the kinge, whereof I resolve to speake p[er]ticularlye and to support my declarac[i]on by taking my grounds from that Relation w[hi]ch was made in this place, by my p[re]decessor the Earle of Dorsett nowe w[i]th god

Right margin: A declarac[i]on of his Ma[jes]t[ie]s Debt vnder [th]e hand of the late Lo: Tre[asure]r Dorsett / For the veritye whereof that I shall nowe speake, w[hi]ch could not nowe be p[ro]duced Anew to serue anye p[re]sent turne, And that in the declarac[i]on Extant, heere vunder his owne hande, conteyning that w[hi]ch followeth (Vizt)

That in Anno 3: his Ma[jes]ty was indebted the some of seave[n] hundred and thirtye Thousand poundes

That his receipt was shorte of his Ordinarye yssue [th]e some of Fourescore and one Thousand poundes. Besydes the want of Treasure to discharge all Extraordinarye Expence which never came soe lowe in anye yeere either before or since, As one hundred Thousand poundes For this debt and [tha]t vnequallity you maye therefore safelye Conclude, That the debt could not but be Swolne to A highe p[ro]porc[i]on of late, because in everye one of the Succeeding Ages Fro[m] No.3: till Mich[alm]as No.6: there was such an encrease vppon the ordinarye by reenforcing the Armye into Ireland since the beginning of Odoherties Rebellio[n] and vppo[n] some other home causes, As made the vnequallity of Fourescore one Thousand poundes (as it stood No. 3:) Rise by degrees to one hundred and Fortye Thousand poundes, att Mich[alm]as Anno 6: Soe as by the End of that yeere, [th]e whole debt was raysed by that meanes, and by the yeerelye groweinge charges vpon the Extraordinarye to noe lesse then Fourteene hundred Thoousand poundes. A matter soe well knowne to diu[er]se of the Lordes (that haue wyned w[i]th mee in councell and endeavord to resist that necessitie w[hi]ch was w[i]thout example in this Monarchie, as I doubt not, I haue their Testimony toe the Truthe thereof

Right margin: The Debt diminished This news I am sure is vnwellcome to you And therefore I will hold you noe longer in expectatio[n] either what is now the debt or the inequallitie, Because though it be farr from well, it is better then it was, For I acknowledge that fro[m] Fourteene hundred Thousand poundes at Mich[alm]as An[n]o 6: it is drawn downe to Three hundred Thousand poundes would God I could saye his Reuenewe held noe lesse disporoporc[i]on w[hi]ch his certaine expence respecting meere ordinaryes and those Extraordinaries 194v Extraordinaryes w[hi]ch everye yeere must require ( though I can not Enumerate the Species, howbeit I maye saye thus much that from that late Inequallitie of one hundred and Forty Thousand pounds to answere meere Ordinaryes, as it stood at Mach[alm]as was Twelve monthes, The receipts doe nowe Equall the Issues w[i]thin Fortye Six Thousand poundes (thoughe for the Extraordinaryes there remayneth Still lacke of Provicion

Having nowe layd open [th]e great difficultie in his ma[jes]t[ie]s Estate litle by Comparison of what it was, Allthoughe I meane not to trouble you w[i]th my diffinition or discription of that w[hi]ch maye be the consequence thereof, that knowe how much the necessitie of Princes invite Forraigne Practises begett contempt at home and Clogg the passages to all noble designes, yet I may boldly saye this, that from the want of kings vnrepaired, there riseth such A Hydra of evills, As all men ought that love their Cou[n]trye to make hast to distroye this monster, both in Radice of {G}emine

and for my particular I must saye this much, That if sittinge soe neere the Storme and seeing it come in the Ayre, I shoulde haue suffered it to breake and be{.. }aued my selfe in a private Corner w[i]thout reporting to the naturall place for remedye I were not worthye to carrye this Staffe in my hand

Left margin: what hath bene giue[n] to his Ma[jes]tye Since his happy Augurac[i]o[n] It remayneth likewise now in further congruitie that I doe al soe giue you an accompte, what hath bine given by his ma[jes]t[ie]s people in the whole since his happye Augurac[i]on, and what use his ma[jes]ty hath made of it, as well for support of his generall expence As for drawing downe his huge debt to the State it now is

Left margin: subsidyes First his Ma[jes]tye receaved his Subsidies due to the queene noe lesse then Three hundfed fiftye Thousand poundes He hath had 4 hundred fiftye thousand pounds in Subsidies, {sin[ce]}[th]e Parlyament

Left margin: Ayde / hee hath had Twenty thousand poundes For the Ayde, where in (Mr Recorder to you I speake it) this is worthie of note, though not worthie to remayne for A record, that the Lords Spirrituall and Temporall haue disbursed neere the pointe of 4 thousand Poundes, For that Ayde, w[hi]ch is foure tymes as much as [th]e cittye of London, put all these togither, then haue you Eight hundred and twentye Thousand pounds

Left margin: Privye Seales Yf you will saye I haue left out the Monye the king hath had by privye Seales w[hi]ch is little lesse then one hundred 20: Thousand Poundes, my best au[n]swere must ne vnto you that my memorye Spends apace, and the rather in this p[er]ticuler, w[i]th which I meant not to charge it, because it is repayd to the right Hon[er]s w[i]thin Five Thousand Poundes and that readye to be receaved when the right as Fast as it is called for /

Of this great Sum[m]e and others Raysed out of his owne Estate his Ma[jes]tye hath made this use

Left margin: A Declarac[i]on of w[ha]t use his Ma[jes]tye hath made of these great Summes / First the three hundred and Fiftye Thousand poundes of Subsidies due to the queene, and paid to the kinge, his ma[jes]ty tooke it w[i]th the one hand and paid it w[i]th the other for her owne debts, Hee redeemed the Landes of the Crowne w[hi]ch shee had morgaged to the Cittie

he paid the Reckonings of the base monye in Ireland to the valewe in Silver, discharged an arreare of the debts to [th]e Army in the Admiralltye, Wardrobe and ells where w[hi]ch amounted to three Thousand Fiftie Thousand pounds /

For these Three Subsidies w[hi]ch haue bene geuen to his ma[jes]ty himselfe,195r himselfe in Parlyament, at w[hi]ch Tyme the kings debt was declared to be Seaven hundred Thirtie Thousand Poundes, which haue since soe much increased, it hath abated Foure hundred fiftye thousand Poundes & [th]e ayde Twentie two Thousand Poundes

Right margin: Parte of [th]e K[ing]s Debts discharged by Sale of his Lands For the rest of the debt it hath beene discharged partlye by the Sale of some of his Ma[jes]t[ie]s Landes, For the most parte p[er]sonage Chauntryes in Fee Farme wich hath raysed Foure hundred and odd Thousand Poundes /

Right margin: Defectiue titles woods and Coppy holds There hath allsoe defectiue Titles vpon Sale of woods, vpo[n] Fynes for Coppye holds, (Comonlye drunke vp by the Stewards) bine raysed the some of one hundred thousand poundes since Mich[alm]as was twelve Monthes

Right margin: Calling in of Iust debts Sence 30: of Eliz: etc There hath allsoe bine raysed by calling in of Iust debts and Arrerages ( w[hi]ch should haue bine in former yeeres All due since the 30: yeere of the Queene togither w[i]th some other Effects of Abridginge loose Accompts, and liberall expence in Inferiour Mynisters well neere the some of Two Thousand pounds

And nowe that I am come soe farr onward in this wild[er]nes of Accoumpt, w[hi]ch are things more fitt for mee to take of others as I am Treasurer of England, then to make any other, The p[er]so[n] of the kinge excepted And this place w[hi]ch hath such A Rep[re]sentat[i]on of the kingdome I will be bold to saye some thing of the Tyme Past and therein take occasion to Answere some tacit obiections against the Expences since the Queenes death and the Causes thereof, and soe make hast to that motion, which hath bine the principall of this Conference nam causa et orige et materia negotii /

Right margin: The late Q[ueen]s Coffers e[m]ptied at hir death by the Warres in Ireland When Q[ueen] Elizabeth of pretious and famous memorye dyed her Coffers were emptied principallye by the warres in Ireland, wherein shee expended betweene the yeere 94: (some fewe yeeres before S[i]r Henrye Bagnoll was defeated at the Nerove and the Tyme of her deathe the some of nineteene

Right margin: Expence in thos wars betweene [th]e yeere 94: and the time of her death 19: hundred Twentye Fower Thousand Poundes, Besydes [th]e Cha{rge}s of the Lowe Countryes w[hi]ch cost her Foure hundred Thirtye Foure Thousand poundes

The helpe to the French kinge, amounting to little lesse the[n] foure hundred thousand Poundes, make alltogither Twentye eight hundred fiftye eight Thousand poundes, A masse [th]at had left her Croune noe better then A doddard Tree, yf the Subsidies had not helped her w[i]th Fifteene hundred Sixtie Thousand poundes, For soe much did they giue her betweene 31 of her Raigne and 43:

The Remaine w[hi]ch was Twelve hundred Ninetye Eighte Thousand poundes being to be borne vpon her ordinarye made [th]is hir debt such as it was when it pleased god to call her to his m[er]cye

Right margin: The number of the Subsidies giuen the late Queene fro[m] the begining of her raigne to her deathe Yf you will aske what from the First daye of hir raigne tell the last daye of hir breath That renowned Lady had of her loving Subiects noe lesse then nyneteene Subsidies of [th]e Clergy Twentye Subsidies and Thirtye nyne Fifteenes of the Laitye All amounting to three Millions Five hundred nynetye thousand Five hundred Sixtye Fower poundes

Right margin: charges in Ireland betweene [th]e Earle of Essex and [th]e Earle of Deu[on]sheire at the beseige of King Saile / Of theise latter Charges in Ireland in her latter tyme there was spent in one yeere and odd monthes, betweene the Earle of Essex goeing, and the Earle of Devonsheyre Foure hundred Thousand pounds and odd

In another yeere which was when King Saile was beleaguerd195v beleaguerd and the Realme of Ireland laye at stake there was spent vnder the Earle of Devonsheire, noe lesse then five hundred Thousand poundes, wherein allthoughe it might be sayd, that this Narration hath noe p[er]ticuler reference to his Ma[jes]tyes since her deathe / yet haue I layd it before you [th]at you maye see howe impossible it was for the kinge on the suddaine to discharg that greate Armye w[hi]ch was noe lesse then 14000: men in a litle before her deathe But by degrees both in pointe of honor & Conscience whereby soe manye of the Noblest that were Com[m]anders and other well deserving Soldiers should haue bene disposed to want and penurye And in pointe of Pollicye it being not safe for his ma[jes]ty after soe inveterate A deffecc[i]on soe newly supp[re]sed not haue kept the Sworde in his hand, Noe what soeu[er] be the opynions That the kinge is nowe in peace I maye boldlye affirme [th]at betweene the queene till Christmas last, Ireland onelye and the low Cou[n]trys haue cost the kinge nyne hundred Thousand pounds, and by the certeine Establishment of that paye w[hi]ch is yssued nowe at every quarter since this Armie was abated, those two places draw fro[m] his Ma[jes]ty One hundred Thousand pounds Sterling A Summe of Monye that would haue made king H: 7: looke about him ( yf in time of peace he had heard of such an Assignac[i]on

And w[hi]ch is more, For all the Myllions, that were left to K H: 8: (whose Expence did never equall in Tyme of Warre, the Expence of the kinge. For these and other materiall Co[n]siderac[i]ons he would haue left the Crowne at Pawne, For more then it was worthe. Not w[i]thstanding all the power hee assumed to himselfe in Parlyam[en]t yf he had not raysed to himselfe in Effecte another Crowne in poynt of Reuenue by the fall of Abbyes, whereof [th]e rent as it was in their handes, though he gaue much of it awaye was noe lesse in old Rent Then one hundred Twentye thousand poundes /

And because I must follow my directio[n], w[hi]ch is not onlye to tell Truthe, I will desire you to remember one litle Su[m]me more, And yet it exceedeth all that you haue given to king James which he hath spent, And I am sure yo[u]rselves will not mislike when I shall lay the Summe before you

Left margin: Charges at the kings and Qs Entraunce Would you, or could you haue wished, that the king ( [th]e Leinall and naturall Successor of that p[re]tious Ladye should haue left her vnburyed, Noe he was noe Soner advertizedof her death but he was carefull to doe her that honor Had it bene fitt for him to come from Edenborough like A private Gentleman when he brought a Crowne on his head, and was to receave another heere /

Had it beene comelye [th]at [th]e Queene discended of that Royall birthe carrying w[i]th her soe many markes of State and greatnes Mother of our Future hopes, in her passage through England with her p[re]cious Iewells, like the Sun in Transita to haue come in with A Coach and Foure horses like the wife of an Earle had it not bene dishonorable to haue wanted magnificence at the kings royall entry at the coming of the kinge of denmarke /

Left margin: Forraine Ambassadors Should the Embassadors of Forraigne Princes (more then eu[er] this Crowne receaved) haue blased abroad the kings wants, For lacke of such p[re]sents as other Princes vse to giue

Left margin: sending of Ambassadors to Forraine Princes Could the Extraordinarye Charg of sending Ambassadours to Forraine Princes, or the Entertaynent of soe many Com[m]issioners in matters of Treaties haue bene saved by p[ro]vidence Noe surelye I p[re]sume you all would haue thought it as error, w[hi]ch makes me assured that you will not wonder at that expence, such as it is, you shall knowe it196r Right margin: Amounting to £500000: it w[i]th the rest Amounting to noe lesse then Five hundred thousand poundes, w[hi]ch some if you will please to take into the Reconinge of his Ma[jes]t[ie]s Tyme For w[hi]ch you shall haue both the {V}ouch of honor and oathe of divers men. Omitting other Expences of seu[er]all natures Right margin: Buryall of two young Princes / As the birth of Two young Princes and the buryall of them in w[hi]ch noe necessary Expence hath bene omitted, I am p[er]suaded you will be able to satisfye any of thos that shall wonder at [th]e wante or starte at the Supplye, except it be such as studdye nothing but theire owne Ends, Nor beleeve nothing but [th]at w[hi]ch they finde written in the Storyes of their owne Ignorance, Among w[hi]ch I will take Right margin: A Bruite raysed vpo[n] binding of Printed Proclamac[i]ons into A Booke / those persons to be, whoe hearing of A Cou[r]se to binde vpp all the printed Proclamac[i]ons into A booke to the Intent there maye bee better notice taken of those thinges w[hi]ch they comaund, haue beene Content to rayse A bruite That it was intended at this Parlym[en]t to make the Power of Proclamac[i]ons equall to the lawes

Vpon w[hi]ch occasion seeing this is the Tyme I haue leave to wa[n]der I thinke it not amisse to lett you allso knowe howe falselye some Right margin: A false report for taking [th]e forfeitures of monyes lent at Interest haue reported, That the kinge haveing made A Tryall of his owne borrowing whoe were monyes men had nowe given order to follow the lawe w[hi]ch giues the Forfeiture of all the Intrest that is taken though it doth not exceed Tenn in the hundred

heere would I be content to closse vpp that parte which conteyneth matter of Acte. The Conclusion whereof is this, that for the Eight hundred and twentie Thousand poundes w[hi]ch his ma[jes]ty hath receaved, he hath spent in the Millitarye Charge, and those of Magnificence Fourteene hundred Thousand poundes

But mee thinkes I heare it should be obiected. That the king mought haue bene in better case had he stayed his hand from an irregular Bountie

Right margin: His Ma[jes]t[ie]s Bountye Itt is true that he mought haue giuen if soe it had pleased him, yett is that bountie A disease, that few complayned of in Q[ueen] Elizabeths dayes, w[hi]ch I speak not to cast any aspertio[n] vpo[n] her, For there are manye ( in w[hi]ch nu[m]ber I am one ) [th]at haue tasted of her Bountye, But true it is the Grandchilde of A Frugall Grand Father, daughter of A loose handed Father, w[hi]ch made her studie more A Mediocritie there in then some others did before / For as it is true, that bountye is insep[er]able from this kinge / whoe as he is a man cannot be w[i]thput desires though never man soe moderate, yf they concerne himselfe, Soe as he is a kinge Yf he did not giue, I should hold that his Subiects lived in A miserable clymate / And for my parte of [th]at w[hi]ch hath beene bestowed vpo[n] those, w[hi]ch were not borne amongst vs, it must be reme[m]bred that he was borne amongst them Soe as to haue A king, wished to haue left soe many vnrewarded of Worthe and Mirritt, had beene enough to haue changed his virtue because he had Changed his Fortune

I will therefore conclud this pointe that Q: Marye A Ladye of greate devotion in hir kinde, and morall virtue (betweene whose Fortune and his there must be a great disparitie) did giue awaye in hir Tyme, by waye of Restitution of perticler men Nyne Thousand two hundred pound Land And Donatiuo genere Seaven Thousand and Sixe hundred poundes, Besydes huge porc[i]on in Parsonages, Tithes and Cerritories to the Sea of yorke at the suite of Cardinall Poole, though that was afterwards revoked by Queene Elizabeth in A[nn]o 1 [pri]mo.

It is nowe more then Tyme For mee to reduce my selfe to the last p[ar]te of my Lordes direct[i]on whereof there are two Braunches The196v The one is to moue you w[i]th all Earnestnes to consider of some such supplye as maye make this State both safe and happye. The other to assure you of our Intentio[n] to ioyne w[i]th you in anye reasonable request For the publique good w[hi]ch may serve you for an Answere to anye that shall obiect disadvantage to you by Conferring w[i]th vs seeing wee haue the happynesse to serve vnder such a kinge as is not vnlike to receave any motion of ours wherein wee shall both hould A iust Symmetrie & p[ro]porc[i]ons amongst our Selves, and observe those duties, w[hi]ch are due to a great and gratious kinge. In w[hi]ch I assure myselfe wee should never Fayle, were it possible wee might often meet & exchang mutuall thoughts, p[re]vent Iealousies, & not p[re]cipitately p[ro]iect causes For whoe doth not knowe that even in the vulgar Corporat[i]ons (in w[hi]ch the greater Number are of meane vnderstanding) produce good & discreete Orders, much more in A Courte of Parlyament For in Multitudine prudentiu[m] magna visinest /

To come neere therefore to that w[hi]ch is our obiect: For the king I haue noe more to saye but this. That if his Ma[jes]tye be pleased to vouchsafe vs those Favors w[hi]ch are in his power to doe, thoughe wee cannot challeng, de Iure, whatsoever may shall be thought shall be our Motion [th]e Advantage shalbe wilbe yo[ur]s, & o[ur]s in Retribution /

For the kinge desires not anye thinge that maye make you feare any change of Liberties pressing of new lawes to satisfye Furye or private passion. Everye man maye dwell in saffetie vnder his owne Olive in this kings dayes of whom maye be well sayde non sum Athemensis qui Leges Sanguine conscriptus vellim

Hee desired nothing more then wee should all Eatari et bene facere, And wee for him at this Tyme onelye some supplye of mony w[hi]ch I beleeve is lesse then you expected after such an Indigested chaos of wordes, what for what this there of lesse value where there is question of the Interest of Such A Father whome we may rightlye tearme the deare parent of the Countrye or of such A Sonne as is Iustlie termed Pars patris Naye w[hi]ch is more for I haue seene it in divers Charters where hee is sayde to bee Eadem p[er]sona cum patre thoughe it is True that in the Eye of [th]e Lawe there is A distinction Quoad protestatem Strange I saye it were If wee should not Studdie to p[re]serue both theis From whom wee haue receaved such A world of Plentie or doubt that you will not concurre w[i]th vs for supplye to the paym[en]t of his debts for support of his yeerelye Expeence. For Provisione for his Navye, For his Magazines and such like w[i]th soe much more as you would wish a king of Brittaine to haue in store to answere all occasions

But you will saye p[er]adventure [th]at the nature of [th]e demau[n]d is w[i]thout pr[e]s[e]dent Let vs not I pray you researche and stirre vp ould P[re]sidents, For there were some of Stranger nature in matt[er] of paym[en]t and supplye wittnes the Comission of Mayle Baston in Ed: 1: his Tyme by the severitie whereof soe greate Summes were levyed / Wittnes likewise paym[en]t by the Pole Fro[m][th]e duke to the Bagger. And lastlye the Acte of Parlyam[en]t in the 21: H: 8: whereby there was A remission of all the Kings debts generall without Schedule or Lymitac[i]on being A Matter of soe great and in iust197r in iust inequallitye, as it might be divers mens ruines and for some others scarce felt Besydes whoe doth not knowe [th]at wise men must liue non ad similitudinem sed ad rationem, {neap[er]} being the Father of Presidents, and it being the manner only of Creatures destitute of Reason like Flocks of Sheepe to goe non quo eundam est sed quo itur It is but one, onelye monye that is desired, A matter easilye granted, yf you will make A right vse of this base Creature, whereof noe wise man speaks w[i]thout contempt In soe much as Plato speaking of Riches saith That true Ritches are but food and Rayment, the Rest is nugatorum quiddam And other Philosophers saye it is but Parvor pare tarrae, And soe but Orassior pars Aquae A thing vnworthie the denyall to such A kinge In whom Beatitudo nostra et nata et data est / A kinge not onlye the wisest of kings (well I maye saye of men But the verye Image of an Angell [th]at doth both bring good Tydings & puts vs in [th]e fruit[i]on of all good things

Is not this hee that hath declared himselfe soe farr for the good of the Church out of the depth of knowledg, as well as out of Conscience as hee deserues better then anye to carrye the Title of fidei Defensor, Is not this hee that hath brough vs an yssue that makes all neighboure Princes Studdie rather how to keepe that they haue then to gaine vpo[n] this Crowne Is not nowe the Backe dore shutt that was want to divert vs fro[m] all forraine Enterprises In soe much as both the yellow & Red Lyon can stand soe quiettlye in one windowe, without breaking Peyne of Glasse, yes surelye this is the kinge of the Realme w[hi]ch Ed: 1: soe readilye sought to make an Union, did not H: 7: expres greate Contentment in the match of his daughter to the K: great GrandFather. did not the State in the Tyme of Ed:6: w[i]th great affection seeke to Marye that Royall Queene Marye the kings Mother And can it savour either of gratitude or discresion to suffer this kinge or his Olive Branches to fall vpo[n][th]e Rocke of his Necessitie w[hi]ch to the meanest man is Duru[m] Telur / Noe surelye, and yett in all this, and whatsoever els I shall saye, I desire to be thus vnderstood, that there is noe king be he neu[er] soe greate that ought to burthen his people at pleasure / Noe more ought Subiects to denye the Requests of kings out of honor I meane not this to the house as Taxing you or them of honor Bee it farre from mee But I yeild it you as an Answere to those Countryes that will aske you an Accompte, whye you haue charged them / And truelye for my owne opynion, I haue eu[er] held itt to the True scale and Measure of kings Prorogatiues when theire desire of this nature haue an ope[n] co[n]currence w[i]th [th]e publique good /

It is true that the king impose vpo[n] Forraigne Comodityes, yett not soe as to destroye Com[m]erce, yett such is the Abuse (would god there were A Lawe p[ro]vided against it) as where the kinge hath imposed but A penny for his owne necessarye vse, [th]e Shop keep[er] will rayse A Shilling, and yett that is lest talked of the[n] the Penny that is paid to our Caesar

For other Rights [th]at beloged to Princes they are of two sorts

Some are such as are their owne de Iure Corona As for Example197v example whoe is Ignorant that the kings hath power of his Freehold giving as he hath [th]e Tutelage of [th]e {}Como[n] wealthe

The Wardshipp of Children paying him Fynes for Alienac[i]ons government of Widdowes, and such like power to dispose & order both the Courte and fines of Justice /

In all w[hi]ch wee must aknowledge our selves happilye borne while wee finde A moderate hand Soe is there A Seco[n]d power w[hi]ch the Lawes of our owne making hath invested in the kings of England. Wherein wee shalbe ill Advised yf we doe not seeke to deliver our selves by humble petition from those burthens wher of wee cannot complayne. And therein as in anye oth[er] Thinge, that maye giue the Subiect due repose, The Lords hath give[n] mee in Charge to assure you, that you never mett w[i]th such an vpper house, For readines to Concurre w[i]th you in Consultac[i]on ioyne w[i]th you in humble requestes, For A Favorable Retribution in Case / You deale Clerelye and Freelye w[t]hvs in our Co[n]ference and retayne all those respects , that are due to Soveraigntie, and modest in yo[u]r proceedings, Neither doe the Lords meane to presse you For the one, as to Conclude w[i]thout the other, Soe farre, as to bread notorious delaye or Confusion

For proofe of w[hi]ch intenc[i]on of ours amongst other thinges wee haue had some thinge in Confference, Concerning Statute Lawes w[hi]ch wee haue devided into Three Clauses

Some are vtterlye Impossible

Some more fitt when they were made then nowe according to those Constitutions w[hi]ch are called the Lawes of Tyme

Some very fitt to be observed and of those many [th]at are defective in their direction and Rigorous in their Execution

And in all this Seeing that veina est benae Remissio Et ueina a bono Rege datur non debitur Lett vs therefore neither A kinge trie the power he hath the purpose, nor lett vs seeke precipitate remedyes what soever wee maye suppose the grevaunce, For allthough the best Bodyes are not free fro[m] some diseases yett in all diseases Imatura remedia pericatissis{ina}

So as for Conclusion of this Extravagant Masse of my Speeche Conteyning the Causes of his wants, the necessitye of Supplyes , and the Condition whervpon it is demaunded I will make an End not doubting that God will soe direct the kinge betweene the Loue and Feare of his Subiects nam Docet Caesarem timeri ac p[ro]teis dilige And so to blesse his Councells that wee maye enioye him to Raigne over vs, And wee to liue vnder him Iuto comode /